丘吉尔铁幕演说原文

[丘吉尔在美国度圣诞节的即兴演讲]各位为自由而奋斗的劳动者和将士：我的朋友，伟大而卓越的罗斯福总统，刚才已经发表过圣诞前夕的演说，已经向全美国的家庭致友爱的献词。我现在能追随骥尾讲几句话，内心感到无限的荣...+阅读

丘吉尔铁幕演说原文是作为英国首相的丘吉尔在1946年3月5日在美国富尔顿发表的反苏、反共演说。也正因为此铁幕演说正式拉开了冷战的序幕。下面是这篇丘吉尔铁幕演说原文

丘吉尔铁幕演说原文

美国此刻正高踞于世界权力的顶峰。对美国民主来说这是一个庄严的时刻。拥有最大的力量。也就是对未来负有令人敬畏的责任。放眼四顾，你不但觉得已经尽了应尽的责任，也感到忧虑，恐怕以后的成就未必能达到这样高的水平。对你我两国来说现在都有一个机会在这里，一个明确的、光彩夺目的机会。如果拒绝、忽视、或糟蹋这个机会，我们将受到后世长期的责备。

当美国的军事人员在立场严重的局势时，他们习惯于在他们的指令的头上写上'全面战略概念'字样。这种做法是明智的，因为它能使思想明朗化。那么，什么是我们为今天所应题写的全面战略概念呢?它不应该低于在一切地方的所有男女的所有家庭的安全和幸福以及自由和进步。……

为了使这些无数的家庭得到安全，必须保护他们，使他们不受两个可怕的掠夺者——战争和暴政——的侵犯。

为了防止战争这一主要目的已经建立了一个世界组织。……我们必须使这一切得到肯定。它的工作是有成果的，它是一种现实而不是一种假象，它是一种行动力量而不仅只是语言的空谈，它是一种真正的和平之宫而不仅只是纷纷扰扰争吵的场所……

然而，我有一个明确而实际的行动建议要提出来。宫廷和地方行政长官没有县吏和皂吏就不能办事。因此，必须马上着手给联合国配备一支国际武装力量。在这个问题上，只能一步一步来，但我们必须从现在开始着手做。我建议，应邀请每一个大国和其它成员国派出一定数量的空军中队，为这个世界性组织服役。这些中队将由本国训练和筹备，但在各国轮流驻扎。他们身着本国的军服，佩戴不同的徽章。不能要求他们对自己的国家作战，但在其它方面将受这世界性组织的指挥。这个办法可以小规模地实行起来，让它随着我们信心的增长而扩大。

第一次世界大战后我曾希望做到这一步，相信现在会立即办到。不过，如果把美国、英国和加拿大现在所共同掌握的制造原子弹的秘密知识和经验托付给这个仍处于婴儿时代的世界性组织，马氏错误的和轻率的。如果任凭这种秘密知识在这依然骚动和不团结的世界上自然发展，那是罪恶的发狂。现在我讲到威胁着茅舍家庭和普通老百姓的第二个危险，即暴政。我们不能无视一个事实，就是美国和大英帝国的个别公民到处都能享受的自由，在相当多的国家里是不存在的，其中，一些是十分强大的国家。在这些国家里，各种包罗万象的警察政府对老百姓强加控制，达到了压倒和违背一切民主原则的程度。或是一些独裁者，或是组织严密的寡头集团，他们通过一个享有特权的党和一支政治警察队伍，毫无节制地行使着国家的大权。在这多难的岁月，我们的责任不是同武力去干预那些我们不曾征服的国家的内部事务。但是。我们绝不能放弃以大无畏的声调宣扬自由的伟大原则和基本人权。这些英语世界的共同遗产，继大宪章、人权法案、人身保护法、陪审团审讯制、以及英国习惯法之后，它们又在美国独立宣言中得到举世闻名的表现。

到此为止，我们显然是完全一致的。现在，当仍然奉行这个实现我们全面战略概念的方法的时候。我要讲一讲此行要谈的关键问题。没有我所称之为各英语民族同胞手足一样的联合，有效地防止战争和继续发展世界组织都是办不到的。这种联合就是以英联邦与帝国为一方和以美利坚合众国为另一方建立特殊的关系。现在不是泛泛空谈的时候，我要明确地谈谈。

兄弟般的联合不仅要求我们两个庞大的、有血缘关系的社会制度之间存在着日益增长的友谊和相互谅解，而且要求双方军事顾问继续保持密切的联系，以便共同研究潜在的危险。武器的异同，训练的教材，以及在军事院校互换军官和学员的问题。它还应包括联合使用两国在世界各地掌握的所有海空基地，使现有的设施继续用于共同安全的目的。

不久刚被盟国的胜利所照亮的大地，已经罩上了阴影。没有人知道，苏俄和它的共产主义国际组织打算在最近的将来干些什么，以及它们扩张和传教倾向的止境在哪里，如果还有止境的话。对于英勇的俄罗斯人民和我的战时伙伴斯大林元帅，我十分钦佩和尊敬。在英国——我毫不怀疑，在这里也是一样——人们对俄国各族人民怀有同情和善意，决心经受种种分歧和挫折建立起持久的友谊。

我们理解，俄国需要它西部边界的安全，以免再次遭受德国的侵略。我们欢迎它占有它在世界大国中有权占有的地位。我们特别欢迎的是，在俄国人民和大西洋两岸的我方人民之间保持经常不断的、频繁的和日益增多的接触。但是，我有责任把有关当前欧洲形势的某些事实摆在你们面前。

从波罗的海的斯德丁〔什切青〕到亚得里亚海边的的里雅斯特，一幅横贯欧洲大陆的铁幕已经降落下来。在这条线的后面，座落着中欧和东欧古国的都城。华沙、柏林、布拉格、维也纳、布达佩斯、贝尔格莱德、布加勒斯特和索菲亚——所有这些名城及其居民无一不处在苏联的势力范围之内，不仅以这种或那种形式屈服于苏联的势力影响，而且还受到莫斯科日益增强的高压控制。只有雅典，放射着它不朽的光辉，在英、美、法三国现场观察下，自由地决定它的前途。

受俄国支配的波兰政府被怂恿对德国领土实行大片的、不义的侵占，正在以可悲的、梦想不到的规模把数以百万计的德国人成群地驱逐出境。在所有这些东欧国家原来都很弱小的共产党，已经上升到同它们党员人数远不相称的主导的、掌权的地位，到处争取极权主义的控制。

几乎在每一处，都是警察政府占了上风。到目前为止，除了捷克斯洛伐克，根本没有真正的民主。土耳其和波斯〔伊朗〕都为莫斯科政府向它们提出的要求和对它们施加的压力而感到惊惶万分。驻在柏林的俄国人正试图通过对各左翼领导集团的袒护，在他们的德国占领区建立一个准共产党。去年6月战斗结束时，美国和英国军队按照先前的协议，从一条将近四百英里宽的战线上西撤，在某些地方深达一百五十英里。这样就让俄国人占领了西方民主国家所攻打下来的辽阔的土地。

现在，如果苏联政府试图单独行动，在他们的地区建立一个亲共的德国，就将给英美两国占领区制造严重的困难，授予了战败的德国人以在苏联和西方民主国家之间拍卖抬价的权力。这些都是事实。不论我们从中得到什么结论，这肯定不是我们进行武装斗争所要建立的解放的欧洲，也不是一个具有永久和平必要条件的欧洲。

在横跨欧洲的铁幕前面，还有其它令人焦虑的因素。意大利共产党由于不得不支持共产党训练的铁托元帅对亚得里亚海顶端的前意大利领土的要求，受到严重的牵制。尽管如此，意大利还是前途未卜。再一点，欧洲的复兴，如无一个强大的法国，这是不可思议的。在我的全部公职生活中，我总是为使法国强大而工作着。甚至在最黑暗的日子里，我也不曾对它的命运丧失信心。现在也不会丧失信心。

不过，在远离俄国边界、遍布世界各地的许多国家里，共产党第五纵队已经建立。它绝对服从来自共产主义中心的指令，完全协调地工作着。除了在英联邦和美国——那里的共产主义运动还在婴儿时代——共产党，即第五纵队到处构成对基督教文明的日益严重的挑衅和危险。这是任何人在取得胜利的次日都应该记诵的一些黯淡的事实。这一胜利是通过在战斗中以及在自由和民主的事业中结成情谊深厚的战友关系取得的。如果我们不趁还来得及的时候正视。这些事实，那就太不明智了。

我不相信苏俄希望战争。他们所希望的是得到战争的果实，以及他们的权力和主义的无限扩张。因此，趁今天还为时未晚，我们在这里要考虑的是永久制止战争和尽速在一切国家为自由和民主创造条件的问题。

对于困难和危险视而不见，不能解决问题，袖手旁观，也不解决问题，采取绥靖政策，也无济于事。现在需要的是作出解决问题的安排。拖得越久，就越困难，对我们的危险也就越大。大战期间，我对我们俄国朋友和盟友的观察所得的印象使我坚信，他们所钦佩的莫过于实力，而他们最瞧不起的是军事上的虚弱。由于这个缘故，势力均衡的旧理论不适用了。如果可以避免的话，我们再也经不起在只留有狭小余地的情况下进行工作，从而提供了进行较量的诱惑。假使西方民主国家团结一致，严守联合国宪章的原则。那么，它们推行这些原则的影响力将是巨大的，没有人会来冒犯它们。不过，假使它们四分五裂，在自己执行职责时手软，假使让这紧要关头的几年白白混过去，那么，我们大家确实都要在浩劫中被毁灭了。

上一次，我曾目睹大战来临，对自己本国同胞和全世界大声疾呼，但是人们都听不进。近至1933年，甚至1935年年，或许还能把德国从后来落到它头上的可怕命运中拯救出来，使我们大家都免遭希特勒强加于人类的苦难。

在全部历史中，没有一次战争比前不久使地球上这么多广大地区沦为废墟的这次大战，更容易同及时的行动加以制止。它本来可以不发一枪就被制止住，而德国本来可以至今是一个强大、繁荣、受尊敬的国家。但是，谁也听不进。于是所有我们这些国家，一个接一个都被卷入可怕的漩涡中了。

我们肯定地必须不让那种事重演。这只有这样做才能达到，在现时，即一九四六年，在联合国普遍权威之下，就所有问题同俄国达成良好的谅解，并且通过这个世界性组织，在讲英语的世界及其一切联系地区的全力支持下，使上述良好的谅解在许多和平的年份中维持下去。请不要把不列颠帝国和联邦的坚持的能力加以低估。……

如果在美国的人口之外，再加上英语联邦的人口，再加上这种合作关系所涉及的在空中、海上、科学和工业各方面的合作，那就不会出现不稳定的、靠不住的力量均衡，致使野心家和冒险家情不自禁。……倘若英国所有道义上、物质上的力量和信念，都同你们的力量和信念兄弟般的联合在一起，那么，就将不仅为我们、为我们的时代，而且也将为所有的人，为未来的世纪，带来一个广阔的前程，这是明确无疑的。

丘吉尔铁幕演说英文

I am glad to e to Westminster College this afternoon, and am plimented that you should give me a degree. The name Westminster is somehow familiar to me. I seem to he heard of it before. Indeed, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we he both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.

It is also an honour, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his hey burdens, duties, and responsibilities - unsought but not recoiled from - the President has trelled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should he full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly ail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may he cherished in my younger days he been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I he no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.

I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I he that what has been gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall guide and rule the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement. When American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words over-all strategic concept. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.

To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two giant marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilised society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, even ground to pulp. When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualise what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can pute what has been called the unestimated sum of human pain. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the mon people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.

Our American military colleagues, after hing proclaimed their over-all strategic concept and puted ailable resources, always proceed to the next step - namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world anisation has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars - though not, alas, in the interval between them - I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our mon purpose in the end.

I he, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations anisation must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world anisation. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world anisation. This might be started on a modest scale and would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust it may be done forthwith.

It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world anisation, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all he slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and if some munist or neo-Fascist State monopolised for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily he been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we he at least a breathing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world anisation with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world anisation.

Now I e to the second danger of these two marauders which threatens the cottage, the home, and the ordinary people - namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the mon people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by pact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we he not conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English mon law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

All this means that the people of any country he the right, and should he the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which he received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practise - let us practise what we preach.

I he now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people: War and Tyranny. I he not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and co-operation can bring in the next few years to the world, certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience. Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly of sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I he often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran. There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace. So far I feel that we are in full agreement.

Now, while still pursuing the method of realising our overall strategic concept, I e to the crux of what I he trelled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world anisation will be gained without what I he called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British monwealth and Empire and the United States. This is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship between our military advisers, leading to mon study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should